Dirty Elections
Whether we
speak of democracy or elections, the roots of both concepts trace back to
ancient Greece and Rome. The word “democracy” itself is derived from two Greek
words: "demos," meaning people, and "kratos," meaning
power—thus, "the power of the people." It is widely acknowledged that
the early model of democracy originated from the Greek civilization.
Elections
also find their earliest expression in ancient Greece and Rome. Athens, for
instance, was a democratic state, where electoral reforms were established on
democratic principles. Much of this credit goes to Cleisthenes, a lawmaker from
ancient Athens, who laid the foundation of Athenian democracy around the 5th
century BCE. Under his reforms, all male citizens of the state were granted the
right to vote. For this reason, historians have bestowed Cleisthenes with the
title of "The Father of Democracy."
Similarly,
in medieval Bengal, during the Pala dynasty, Emperor Gopala was elected through
a formal voting process in the 8th century CE. The 17th century saw the rise of
elections in Europe, followed by North America in the 18th century. However,
even within these democratic systems, women were denied the right to vote until
the 20th century. Women fought long and hard to secure this fundamental human
right.
The
Evolution of Voting in the Indian Subcontinent
In the
Indian subcontinent, the concept of governance by consensus predates formal
voting systems. The Panchayat system, prevalent from around 500 BCE during the
Mauryan era, functioned without formal voting, but the community’s acceptance
was crucial for the Panchayat's legitimacy.
For
thousands of years, the subcontinent was governed by monarchies, feudal states,
and princely systems. Afterward, the East India Company ruled, and following
the 1857 War of Independence, Britain formally made India its colony.
It wasn’t
until 1909, with the introduction of the Indian Councils Act, that the British
Parliament granted limited electoral rights to the local population. This Act
is known as the "Minto-Morley Reforms," named after Lord Minto, the
Governor-General of India, and Lord Morley, the Secretary of State for India.
The democratic systems we see today in Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have
their roots in these British reforms. The elections held in 1920 were the first
where limited voting rights were granted to the Indian people, but suffrage was
restricted to property owners and tax-paying citizens.
The Birth
of Pakistan and Early Electoral History
When
Pakistan gained independence in 1947, it did not have a constitution of its
own. To address this, the Government of India Act 1935 was amended and adopted
as the interim constitution. Before Pakistan’s independence, Lord Mountbatten
issued an order on July 26, 1947, establishing the new Constituent Assembly of
Pakistan. This assembly, composed of members elected in 1945 from areas
becoming part of Pakistan, became responsible for drafting the nation's
constitution.
The
assembly's inaugural session took place on August 10, 1947, in Karachi, and
Jogendra Nath Mandal was elected as the temporary president. This assembly was
tasked with drafting Pakistan’s new constitution, while the 1935 Act served as
the provisional legal framework.
On March 12,
1949, Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly adopted the Objectives Resolution, a
foundational document for the future constitution. It laid the groundwork for
an Islamic democratic state, diverging from the European-style democratic
systems. In 1985, under General Zia-ul-Haq's rule, the Objectives Resolution
was incorporated into the Pakistani Constitution through the 8th Amendment,
giving it formal legal status.
Electoral
Fraud in Pakistan: A Recurring Theme
Historically,
electoral fraud has occurred at various levels in Pakistan, often involving
state institutions, the establishment, polling officers, and political parties.
In fact, allegations of election manipulation surfaced soon after the creation
of Pakistan. One notable case occurred in Sindh’s Dadu district, where the
electoral contest between G.M. Syed and Qazi Muhammad Akbar was marred by
accusations of rigging.
Between 1947
and 1958, Pakistan did not hold direct national elections, though sporadic
provincial elections were held, but their credibility was often called into
question. For instance, in 1951, Punjab held its first elections, but with
voter turnout below 30%, the legitimacy of the process was dubious.
In the same
year, Major General Akbar Khan attempted a failed coup against the elected
government, marking the first conspiracy against civilian rule. These early
years were marked by political engineering, leading to manipulated outcomes in
both provincial and national assemblies.
The Ayub
Era: Controlled Democracy
In 1958,
General Ayub Khan seized power, suspending the constitution and imposing
martial law. Ayub Khan’s regime is infamous for introducing "controlled
democracy." In 1960, he held a national referendum, receiving 95.6%
approval, which paved the way for his continued rule. He introduced a new
constitution in 1962, establishing a presidential system of governance.
During his
tenure, elections were held in 1962 and 1965, but voters did not directly elect
members of parliament. Instead, representatives of local councils were
responsible for electing parliamentarians. In the 1965 elections, Ayub Khan
faced opposition from Fatima Jinnah, but allegations of electoral manipulation
marred the process. The opposition accused the government of widespread
intimidation, manipulation, and control over the election process.
The 1970
Elections: A Moment of Transparency
The first
general elections based on direct adult suffrage in Pakistan were held in 1970.
Intelligence agencies had assured General Yahya Khan that no single political
party would win a majority, ensuring that he would remain the central figure of
power. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of the Awami League could only field seven
candidates from West Pakistan, while Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan People's
Party (PPP) could not secure even a single candidate in East Pakistan. The 1970
elections are widely regarded as the most transparent and impartial elections
in Pakistan’s history. However, the post-election manipulation became evident
when the majority-winning Awami League was denied the transfer of power,
leading to the country’s eventual disintegration. Despite the tragic
outcome—the division of Pakistan—no one has ever questioned the fairness of
those elections, which are still considered the most transparent in the
nation's history.
The third
Constitution of Pakistan was promulgated on August 14, 1973, and on the same
day, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto took oath as Prime Minister under this new framework.
The Constitution introduced a bicameral system, establishing the Parliament
with an upper house (Senate) and a lower house (National Assembly). It declared
Islam as the state religion and officially named the country the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan.
After the
fall of Dhaka, the newly formed National Assembly was scheduled to complete its
term by 1978. However, consumed by his growing popularity, Bhutto dissolved the
assembly a year early and called for general elections in 1977. While he likely
would have won even without interference, the elections were marred by
allegations of severe rigging. The term "jharloo" (meaning
rigged or fraudulent) became synonymous with the 1977 elections. The Pakistan
National Alliance (PNA) refused to participate in elections in Balochistan,
citing the ongoing military operations in the province, and later boycotted the
provincial elections, accusing the government of massive electoral fraud. This
led to widespread protests, particularly in urban areas, with violence
escalating rapidly. By early July, a compromise between the PNA and Bhutto's
government had been reached, agreeing to fresh elections under a neutral
caretaker government in October. But on July 5, 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq
imposed martial law.
In September
1977, Bhutto was arrested on charges of ordering the murder of Nawab Mohammad
Ahmad Khan. On March 18, 1978, the Lahore High Court sentenced him to death, a
decision upheld by the Supreme Court on February 6, 1979. On April 4, 1979,
Bhutto was executed in Rawalpindi Jail.
Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto served as Prime Minister for 3 years, 10 months, and 21 days.
Reflecting
on the 1977 elections, the then-Chief Election Commissioner, Justice Sajjad
Ahmad Jan (father of Wasim Sajjad), remarked that the ruling party's candidates
had severely undermined the electoral process through the reckless use of their
authority and state machinery.
General
Zia-ul-Haq:
In 1979,
General Zia-ul-Haq imposed a ban on all political parties, marking the
beginning of an era in which he wielded unchecked authority. By 1981, he had
established the Majlis-e-Shura, becoming the ultimate decision-maker in
Pakistan’s political landscape.
That same
year, local elections were conducted under the supervision of the military, but
the political climate was already tense following the controversial execution
of Pakistan People's Party (PPP) chairman, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, on April 4,
1979. Despite Bhutto’s death, the PPP's underground leadership formed groups
under the name "Awami Dost" to resist Zia's autocratic rule and his
skewed vision of democracy. Surprisingly, candidates aligned with Zia suffered
a humiliating defeat in the local elections, prompting him to nullify the
results under a special Martial Law order.
In the 1983
local elections, Zia tightened his control by scrutinizing each candidate.
Under direct orders, returning officers disqualified any nominee suspected of
having ties to the PPP, ensuring that opposition voices were systematically
silenced.
Zia had
initially promised to transfer power to the people within 90 days, but he
repeatedly postponed general elections, citing the need to create an electoral
environment that would yield "positive" results and produce compliant
representatives. In December 1984, he extended his presidency for five more
years through a controversial referendum, which opposition alliances like the
Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) urged the public to boycott. As
poet Habib Jalib famously remarked about the eerie stillness on the day of the
referendum:
"The city was silent—was it the jinn or the referendum?"
Despite
widespread calls for a boycott, the Election Commission in Islamabad reported
that over 90% of the votes cast were in Zia’s favor.
In February
1985, under Zia's directives, non-party-based elections were held, and despite
the opposition boycott, the elections were relatively transparent. These
elections laid the groundwork for Pakistan’s "electables" and the
culture of clan-based politics, which would continue to shape the country’s
political landscape. However, by May 29, 1988, Zia dissolved the National
Assembly and dismissed the government of Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo.
Zia remained
in power for 11 years, and his legacy is marked by the rise of extremist
ideologies that overshadowed Pakistan’s previous commitment to tolerance and
pluralism. His reign ended abruptly when he died in a mysterious plane crash on
August 17, 1988.
Following
Zia's death, Pakistan's political landscape shifted. The 1988 general
elections, initially planned as non-party elections by Zia, instead restored
the country to the path of democracy. On November 16 and 19, 1988, elections
were held for the National and Provincial Assemblies, respectively. Benazir
Bhutto, who had returned to Pakistan in April 1986, dominated the political
scene and led the PPP to victory, reversing Zia’s 11 years of authoritarian
policies. The electoral campaign was relatively peaceful, and on December 4,
1988, Benazir became the first female Prime Minister of a Muslim-majority
country, after forming a coalition government with smaller parties and
independent groups.
The 1990s
and the Rise of Political Manipulation:
By 1990,
systematic efforts were made to prevent the PPP from returning to power.
General Aslam Beg and General Asad Durrani distributed 140 million rupees from
Mehran Bank to PPP’s opposition candidates. As a result, the Islami Jamhoori
Ittehad (IJI) won 106 seats, while the PPP and its allies in the Pakistan
Democratic Alliance (PDA) secured only 44 seats.
In early
1993, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif attempted to revoke the President's authority
to dissolve the National Assembly. In response, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan
dissolved the assembly. Fresh elections were held in October 1993, where the
PPP won the most seats but fell short of a majority, securing 86 seats compared
to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), which won 73 seats.
The 1997
general elections are remembered for giving Nawaz Sharif an overwhelming
mandate, which many claim was pre-determined. President Farooq Leghari
appointed an interim government under Meraj Khalid, consisting largely of
Benazir Bhutto’s adversaries. As journalist Najam Sethi later admitted in a
televised interview, the interim government’s task was to ensure Sharif's
victory. These elections, held on February 3, 1997, saw the PPP reduced to a
mere 18 seats.
General
Pervez Musharraf and the 2000s:
In 1998,
Nawaz Sharif bypassed senior military officials to appoint Pervez Musharraf as
Chief of Army Staff. On October 12, 1999, Musharraf overthrew Sharif’s
government and established a technocratic administration. Following a
controversial referendum in June 2002, Musharraf extended his presidency for
five years.
The general
elections of October 10, 2002, were conducted under Musharraf’s military
regime. The elections introduced a condition requiring candidates to hold a
bachelor’s degree, effectively barring many seasoned politicians from
contesting. Both the PPP and PML-N faced significant restrictions, with their
leaders Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif in exile. To navigate these
constraints, the PPP ran under the banner of the Pakistan Peoples Party
Parliamentarians (PPPP), led by Amin Fahim. Meanwhile, the PML-N splintered
into factions, with one side remaining loyal to Sharif, while another aligned
with Musharraf, forming the Pakistan Muslim League (Q), known as the
"King’s Party." The emergence of PML-Q ended the dominance of the
traditional two-party system between the PPP and PML-N.
In the 2008
elections, although only partially free, the victorious party was not allowed
to assume power until they guaranteed Musharraf a safe exit. A report by the
Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) revealed that in 61 constituencies, the
number of votes cast exceeded the number of registered voters, with some areas
recording voter turnouts as high as 112%.
Electoral
Corruption and the Rise of "Electables":
Over time,
"electables" became central to Pakistan’s electoral politics. These
candidates, often wealthy landlords or individuals with strong community ties,
wielded substantial influence within their constituencies, regardless of party
affiliation. Their personal vote banks allowed them to switch political
loyalties as needed, undermining party-based politics. Zia’s non-party
elections and Musharraf’s policies further entrenched this culture, shifting
the focus away from ideological politics toward power dynamics dominated by
electables.
With such
candidates dominating the scene, political parties were forced to nominate
electables, who, once elected, pursued personal interests rather than party
agendas. As a result, ideological politics faded, giving way to power politics,
where the real selection of candidates often rested with non-political forces
rather than the electorate.
The Road
Ahead – Elections in 2024:
The upcoming
2024 elections appear to be a repeat of past electoral manipulations, albeit
with new tools and strategies suited to the modern era. While attempts to
stifle dissent seem strong, the growing influence of social media, with over
126 million broadband users, presents a challenge to traditional control
mechanisms. Shutting down dissent in an open-source digital environment will be
difficult, forcing authorities to rethink their methods of influence.
As new
voters register and younger generations become politically active, the shifting
dynamics may impact the outcome. In the 2018 elections, for instance, the
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) saw its vote share rise by 9.2 million, while
the PML-N’s votes decreased by 2 million. The impact of these changes will be
critical as Pakistan approaches its next general election, where the role of
social media and the participation of a young electorate may shape the
country’s political future.
In
Pakistan’s turbulent political history, no Prime Minister has completed a full
five-year term, while four military dictators ruled for an average of eight
years each. The constant alternation between democracy and dictatorship has
hindered the development of a stable political system, and the upcoming
elections will once again test the resilience of Pakistan’s democracy.
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